http://videos.howstuffworks.com/hsw/11837-health-the-teenage-brain-video.htm
About the video clip: In the experiment, the intelligent teen struggles with judging facial emotions. According to the video, the amygdala, responsible for feeling emotions, develops first, and teens overestimate an emotional reward from a risky behavior until the prefrontal cortex, responsible for inhibition and planning, is fully developed in adulthood. The narrator emphasizes that even the genius teen has an underdeveloped brain compared to adults’.
What the video implies: All teenagers innately have undeveloped brains no matter how smart they are.
Critique: Does having a college degree at the age of 12 mean the same as being able to make moral judgments? One point to question the video clip is that we are not sure if the teenage genius had as much time as ordinary adults to experience judging others’ facial expressions. That is, it is possible that the teenage genius could have done better if he had more socialized before. And some adults who have not socialized well could only do as much as the teen genius did. In short, we never know if teenagers tend to behave badly because of their innate developmental period or because of the amount of social experience.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0IysnctaEAk&feature=related
The above link is to a TV show telling why teens do something risky, (as if adults never do…)
Monday, May 24, 2010
Thursday, May 20, 2010
What People Mean
Since the brain makes decisions, the myth “Teens behave irresponsibly because of their immature brains” may not be actually a myth, but a true phenomenon. However, how people interpret this phenomenon may be problematic.
Interpretation 1: The teenage brain cannot develop to the adult level no matter what until they become a certain age.
Interpretation 2: No matter how parents and school teach teens to behave, they cannot behave like adults.
Interpretation 3: All teens from the age of puberty to 19 years-old, are coherently less capable of responsible decision making than adults.
Interpretation 4: Adults are coherently better at making decisions, so they should be responsible for their children’s life decisions.
Interpretation 5: “The only one who knew the danger of the teenage brain is the auto insurance industry, which imposes considerably high premium on those who are under 25” (A famous joke among neuroscientists)
Possible impacts of these interpretations are discussed in the post Most Important Misunderstanding.
Interpretation 1: The teenage brain cannot develop to the adult level no matter what until they become a certain age.
Interpretation 2: No matter how parents and school teach teens to behave, they cannot behave like adults.
Interpretation 3: All teens from the age of puberty to 19 years-old, are coherently less capable of responsible decision making than adults.
Interpretation 4: Adults are coherently better at making decisions, so they should be responsible for their children’s life decisions.
Interpretation 5: “The only one who knew the danger of the teenage brain is the auto insurance industry, which imposes considerably high premium on those who are under 25” (A famous joke among neuroscientists)
Possible impacts of these interpretations are discussed in the post Most Important Misunderstanding.
Mind Traps
Causation and correlation
Even if A and B are correlated, it doesn’t mean A causes B nor vice versa.
For example, suppose you lost your weight after you started taking an expensive supplement you got at Amazon.com. You may think that the supplement worked, but, in fact, we never know, since there are many other possible causes such as that you slept really well, that something stressful was gone in your work environment, or that you recovered from some unknown disease that had caused you gaining weight. Unless all these variables are well controlled in scientific laboratories, you cannot make any claim that the supplement actually works to you.
Similarly, even though undeveloped brain and risky behaviors are correlated, no scientific research has found that an undeveloped brain caused certain risky behaviors typical to teens. First, it is unethical to make teens actually take high-risk behaviors in a controlled setting. Therefore, scientists can experiment only on non-risky behaviors such as a gambling game, which cannot fully replicate risky behaviors in a variable-free setting. Collecting data from what actually happened in the society have other possible variables such as cultures, classes or peer-environments of teens.
Seeing what we expect to see
Once people form beliefs, people often unintentionally seek information that confirms their beliefs as well as find flaws in information that disconfirms their beliefs.
For example, suppose you wanted to get a new car, and you already have your favorite BMW in your mind. Any good review on the BMW easily get your attention, but any bad critique to the car only prompts you to question the reviewer by saying like “This author comments more on the BMW’s aesthetics compared to the one I read in the other magazine. He may not be an expert in mechanics. Why should I believe him?” We like confirming information maybe because we don’t have much time and resources to contemplate every decision we make.
Similarly, once people believe that teens behave badly because of their immature brains, they seek evidence that supports the belief. For example, suppose parents concluded the myth is true because they couldn’t discipline their kids well. After forming the belief they may unintentionally start finding evidence that supports the myth because, in their hidden desires, they do not want to spend more time on what they have already concluded.
Leveling Information
When the speaker/writer needs to be informative and interesting, they may present only parts that attract people.
For example, a car dealer tells that your favorite BMW has a super efficient gas mileage, 50mpg. However, what he does not tell you is that when and where the car has that mileage. Usually, the mileage in a car catalog is often measured at the manufacturer’s test course that is flat and oval like a track for athletes. The weather is nice too. Therefore, we cannot really tell how a car is really efficient in gas unless somebody tests it in a real environment.
Similarly, many newspaper articles, popular magazines and speakers for discipline seminars do not always give you the whole picture of primary scientific findings. For example, the NY Times articles in Read this/Not that section don’t mention limitations to their claims such as that scientists haven’t found any causation between the teenage brain structure, or functions, and risky behaviors typical to teens. It may be understandable because newspaper articles have limited space to provide attractive information to the reader. Since mentioning limitations to primary findings may spoil sensations to the reader, they may unintentionally, or intentionally, level information from primary sources that is less attractive to the reader.
Even if A and B are correlated, it doesn’t mean A causes B nor vice versa.
For example, suppose you lost your weight after you started taking an expensive supplement you got at Amazon.com. You may think that the supplement worked, but, in fact, we never know, since there are many other possible causes such as that you slept really well, that something stressful was gone in your work environment, or that you recovered from some unknown disease that had caused you gaining weight. Unless all these variables are well controlled in scientific laboratories, you cannot make any claim that the supplement actually works to you.
Similarly, even though undeveloped brain and risky behaviors are correlated, no scientific research has found that an undeveloped brain caused certain risky behaviors typical to teens. First, it is unethical to make teens actually take high-risk behaviors in a controlled setting. Therefore, scientists can experiment only on non-risky behaviors such as a gambling game, which cannot fully replicate risky behaviors in a variable-free setting. Collecting data from what actually happened in the society have other possible variables such as cultures, classes or peer-environments of teens.
Seeing what we expect to see
Once people form beliefs, people often unintentionally seek information that confirms their beliefs as well as find flaws in information that disconfirms their beliefs.
For example, suppose you wanted to get a new car, and you already have your favorite BMW in your mind. Any good review on the BMW easily get your attention, but any bad critique to the car only prompts you to question the reviewer by saying like “This author comments more on the BMW’s aesthetics compared to the one I read in the other magazine. He may not be an expert in mechanics. Why should I believe him?” We like confirming information maybe because we don’t have much time and resources to contemplate every decision we make.
Similarly, once people believe that teens behave badly because of their immature brains, they seek evidence that supports the belief. For example, suppose parents concluded the myth is true because they couldn’t discipline their kids well. After forming the belief they may unintentionally start finding evidence that supports the myth because, in their hidden desires, they do not want to spend more time on what they have already concluded.
Leveling Information
When the speaker/writer needs to be informative and interesting, they may present only parts that attract people.
For example, a car dealer tells that your favorite BMW has a super efficient gas mileage, 50mpg. However, what he does not tell you is that when and where the car has that mileage. Usually, the mileage in a car catalog is often measured at the manufacturer’s test course that is flat and oval like a track for athletes. The weather is nice too. Therefore, we cannot really tell how a car is really efficient in gas unless somebody tests it in a real environment.
Similarly, many newspaper articles, popular magazines and speakers for discipline seminars do not always give you the whole picture of primary scientific findings. For example, the NY Times articles in Read this/Not that section don’t mention limitations to their claims such as that scientists haven’t found any causation between the teenage brain structure, or functions, and risky behaviors typical to teens. It may be understandable because newspaper articles have limited space to provide attractive information to the reader. Since mentioning limitations to primary findings may spoil sensations to the reader, they may unintentionally, or intentionally, level information from primary sources that is less attractive to the reader.
Better Way to Think about It
Causation and Correlation
Even if A and B are correlated, it doesn’t mean that A causes B nor vice versa.
For example, suppose you lost your weight after you started taking an expensive supplement you got at Amazon.com. You may think that the supplement worked, but, in fact, we never know, since there are many other possible causes such as that you slept really well, that something stressful in your work was gone, or that you recovered from some unknown disease that had caused you gaining weight. Unless all these variables are well controlled in a scientific laboratory, you cannot make any claim that the supplement actually worked.
Similarly, even though undeveloped brain and risky behaviors are correlated, no scientific research has found that undeveloped brain caused certain risky behaviors typical to teens. First, it is unethical to make teens actually engage in risky behaviors. Therefore, scientists can experiment only on non-risky behaviors such as a gambling game, which cannot fully replicate risky behaviors in a variable-free setting. Collecting data from what actually happened in the society have other possible variables such as cultures, classes or peer-environments of teens.
Seeing What We Expect to See
Once people form beliefs, they unintentionally seek information that confirms their beliefs as well as find flaws in information that disconfirms their beliefs.
For example, suppose you wanted to get a new car, and you already have your favorite BMW in your mind. Any good review on the BMW easily get your attention, but any bad critique to the car only prompts you to question the reviewer by saying like “This author comments more on the BMW’s aesthetics compared to the one I read in the other magazine. He may not be an expert in mechanics. Why should I believe him?” We like confirming information maybe because we don’t have much time and resources to contemplate every decision we make.
Similarly, once people believe that teens behave badly because of their immature brains, they seek evidence that supports the belief. For example, suppose parents concluded the myth is true because they couldn’t discipline their kids well. After forming the belief they may unintentionally start finding evidence that supports the myth because, in their hidden desires, they do not want to spend any more time on what they have already concluded.
Leveling Information
When a speaker/writer needs to be informative and interesting, he/she may only present what attracts people.
For example, a car dealer tells that your favorite BMW has a super efficient gas mileage, 50mpg. However, what he does not tell you is that when and where the car has that mileage. The mileage in a car catalog is often measured at the manufacturer’s test course that is flat and oval like a track for athletes. The weather is nice too. Therefore, we cannot really tell how efficient in gas a car really is unless somebody tests it in a real environment.
Similarly, many newspaper articles, popular magazines and speakers for discipline seminars do not always give you the whole picture of primary scientific findings. For example, one of the NY Times articles in Read This/Not That doesn’t mention limitations to their claims such as that scientists haven’t found any causation between the teenage brain structure, or functions, and risky behaviors typical to teens. It may be understandable because newspaper articles have limited space to provide attractive information to the reader. Since mentioning limitations to primary findings may spoil sensations to the reader, they may unintentionally, or intentionally, level information from primary sources that is less attractive to the reader.
Even if A and B are correlated, it doesn’t mean that A causes B nor vice versa.
For example, suppose you lost your weight after you started taking an expensive supplement you got at Amazon.com. You may think that the supplement worked, but, in fact, we never know, since there are many other possible causes such as that you slept really well, that something stressful in your work was gone, or that you recovered from some unknown disease that had caused you gaining weight. Unless all these variables are well controlled in a scientific laboratory, you cannot make any claim that the supplement actually worked.
Similarly, even though undeveloped brain and risky behaviors are correlated, no scientific research has found that undeveloped brain caused certain risky behaviors typical to teens. First, it is unethical to make teens actually engage in risky behaviors. Therefore, scientists can experiment only on non-risky behaviors such as a gambling game, which cannot fully replicate risky behaviors in a variable-free setting. Collecting data from what actually happened in the society have other possible variables such as cultures, classes or peer-environments of teens.
Seeing What We Expect to See
Once people form beliefs, they unintentionally seek information that confirms their beliefs as well as find flaws in information that disconfirms their beliefs.
For example, suppose you wanted to get a new car, and you already have your favorite BMW in your mind. Any good review on the BMW easily get your attention, but any bad critique to the car only prompts you to question the reviewer by saying like “This author comments more on the BMW’s aesthetics compared to the one I read in the other magazine. He may not be an expert in mechanics. Why should I believe him?” We like confirming information maybe because we don’t have much time and resources to contemplate every decision we make.
Similarly, once people believe that teens behave badly because of their immature brains, they seek evidence that supports the belief. For example, suppose parents concluded the myth is true because they couldn’t discipline their kids well. After forming the belief they may unintentionally start finding evidence that supports the myth because, in their hidden desires, they do not want to spend any more time on what they have already concluded.
Leveling Information
When a speaker/writer needs to be informative and interesting, he/she may only present what attracts people.
For example, a car dealer tells that your favorite BMW has a super efficient gas mileage, 50mpg. However, what he does not tell you is that when and where the car has that mileage. The mileage in a car catalog is often measured at the manufacturer’s test course that is flat and oval like a track for athletes. The weather is nice too. Therefore, we cannot really tell how efficient in gas a car really is unless somebody tests it in a real environment.
Similarly, many newspaper articles, popular magazines and speakers for discipline seminars do not always give you the whole picture of primary scientific findings. For example, one of the NY Times articles in Read This/Not That doesn’t mention limitations to their claims such as that scientists haven’t found any causation between the teenage brain structure, or functions, and risky behaviors typical to teens. It may be understandable because newspaper articles have limited space to provide attractive information to the reader. Since mentioning limitations to primary findings may spoil sensations to the reader, they may unintentionally, or intentionally, level information from primary sources that is less attractive to the reader.
Wednesday, May 19, 2010
Read This/ Not That
This is where you can see different sources according to relevant themes to the blog topic. But before doing so, please consider the issue of credibility of the sources:
Peer-Reviewed Articles: The articles in Theme 1 to Theme 4 are all peer-reviewed; that is, they cite all the sources that are not their own, which makes it easy for us to see if the authors overstate or level information. Scientists expect critiques when they publish their works in peer-reviewed magazines, so they are careful not to make sweeping claims like newspapers and magazines do. It is important to know scientific findings, especially in psychology, often have many limitations.
How about Newspapers or Websites?: The rest of the articles come from newspapers and a website, which may not be as credible as peer-reviewed articles because of the reasons mentioned above. However, the newspaper article in Theme 5 is recommended because it cites sources well, such as that who said what in which study. The rest of the articles in Not That, however, contain less information on primary sources, which makes it difficult to check if they do not overstate or level information. Still, they can be a good starting point for further research.
________________________________________
Read This/ Articles Recommended
________________________________________
Theme 1: Don’t Ignore Social Factors When Talk about the Teenage Brain
Males (2009) argues that recent brain studies have failed to take social contexts into account when they talk about their findings. For example, a higher crime rate is seen in people who are poor as well as are a group of ethnic minority. Males also mentions that adults in the U.S. commit many more crimes than adolescents. In conclusion, Males implies that teenagers may engage in risky behaviors because of external forces rather than innate brain development according to their biological ages.
On the other hand, Johnson and Sudhinaraset (2010) criticize Males (2009), arguing that social environments by themselves cannot explain teenagers’ risk-taking behaviors. Still, they state that the link between the brain development and risk taking is still correlational. They also state that most scientists in the field think that the brain development theory and social learning theory go hand in hand. This is important because popular scientific magazines and newspapers often fail to address social factors when they report on brain development.
Theme 2: Don’t Think That We Have the Perfect Measurement for All the Decision Making Skills
Hooper et al.’s (2004) study shows that development of decision making is related to some parts of the brain, using a famous psychological measurement called the Iowa Gambling Task. Simply put, the game tests on how willingly you aim at the high reward in a card game even when you know the lower reward earns more in total. However, the authors admit that the measurement cannot be used to study all the skills related to decision making. That is, different risky behaviors use different skills that may have not been studied yet.
Theme 3: Don’t Assume that Adolescents Do Not Know What Is Risky
Van Leijenhorst, Westenberg, and Crone (2008) discovered that risk perception ability is equal in both adolescents and adults. That is, adolescents do know what is wrong and risky. Although we could still argue that adolescents cannot just inhibit their behaviors that they know are wrong, we are still not 100% sure what separates the teenage brain from the adult brain.
Theme 4: Don’t Put Younger Adolescents and Older Adolescents All Together When Talk about Brain and Risky Behaviors
Brody (2007) quotes a scientist’s comment, arguing that parental supervision is needed for younger adolescents, since their ability to learn from a consequence (e.g. learn not to gamble after losing money) is not as well-developed as adults’. However, please note that they only talk about younger adolescents, not older adolescents.
________________________________________
Not That/ Articles Not Recommended
________________________________________
Theme 5: Don’t Believe What You are Told Right Away without Checking the Source
A New York Times article (Anonymous, 2008) describes the recent brain research, lending support to the undeveloped teenage brain. However, it does not include any reference nor mention the importance of social factors in teens’ risky behaviors.
Similarly, Cooke (n.d.) states, without any citation, that teens do not think binge drinking is very dangerous, which contradicts the finding of Leijenhorst, Westenberg, and Crone (2008) in Theme 3.
Theme 6: Don’t Always Believe Everything Psychologists Say
A psychologist/mother (“Teens,” 2007) wrote a letter to Brody’s (2007) article. She criticizes Brody on not mentioning the latest brain research showing that the brain will not fully develop until the mid-20s. However, the letter does not mention the importance of social factors. Therefore, do not assume automatically that psychologists are always correct; this is only a letter without any sources cited, and she will not get reviewed on this letter by any other scientists.
References
Anonymous. Teens and decision making: What brain science reveals. (2008, April). New York Times Upfront, 140(13), 18-20. Retrieved May 18, 2010, from Platinum Periodicals. (Document ID: 1460776351).
Brody, J. E. Teenage risks, and how to avoid them. (2007, December 18). New York Times. Retrieved from May 18, 2010, from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/18/health/18brod.html
Cooke, B. (n.d.). The teenage brain. Retrieved from June 6, 2010, from http://life.familyeducation.com/teen/growth-and-development/36499.html
Hooper, C. J., Luciana, M., Conklin, H. M., & Yarger, R. S. (2004). Adolescents' performance on the iowa gambling task: Implications for the development of decision making and ventromedial prefrontal cortex. Developmental Psychology, 40(6), 1148-1158. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.40.6.1148
Johnson, S. B., Sudhinaraset, M., & Blum, R. W. (2010). Neuromaturation and adolescent risk taking: Why development is not determinism. Journal of Adolescent Research, 25(1), 4-23. doi:10.1177/0743558409353339
Males, M. (2009). Does the adolescent brain make risk taking inevitable? A skeptical appraisal. Journal of Adolescent Research, 24(1), 3-20. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com.proxy.seattleu.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=35946696&site=ehost-live
Teens and Decision Making :[Letter]. (2007, December 25). New York Times (Late Edition (east Coast)), p. 4. Retrieved May 18, 2010, from New York Times. (Document ID: 1403800841).
Van Leijenhorst, L., Westenberg, P. M., & Crone, E. A. (2008). A developmental study of risky decisions on the cake gambling task: Age and gender analyses of probability estimation and reward evaluation. Developmental Neuropsychology, 33(2), 179-196. doi:10.1080/87565640701884287
Peer-Reviewed Articles: The articles in Theme 1 to Theme 4 are all peer-reviewed; that is, they cite all the sources that are not their own, which makes it easy for us to see if the authors overstate or level information. Scientists expect critiques when they publish their works in peer-reviewed magazines, so they are careful not to make sweeping claims like newspapers and magazines do. It is important to know scientific findings, especially in psychology, often have many limitations.
How about Newspapers or Websites?: The rest of the articles come from newspapers and a website, which may not be as credible as peer-reviewed articles because of the reasons mentioned above. However, the newspaper article in Theme 5 is recommended because it cites sources well, such as that who said what in which study. The rest of the articles in Not That, however, contain less information on primary sources, which makes it difficult to check if they do not overstate or level information. Still, they can be a good starting point for further research.
________________________________________
Read This/ Articles Recommended
________________________________________
Theme 1: Don’t Ignore Social Factors When Talk about the Teenage Brain
Males (2009) argues that recent brain studies have failed to take social contexts into account when they talk about their findings. For example, a higher crime rate is seen in people who are poor as well as are a group of ethnic minority. Males also mentions that adults in the U.S. commit many more crimes than adolescents. In conclusion, Males implies that teenagers may engage in risky behaviors because of external forces rather than innate brain development according to their biological ages.
On the other hand, Johnson and Sudhinaraset (2010) criticize Males (2009), arguing that social environments by themselves cannot explain teenagers’ risk-taking behaviors. Still, they state that the link between the brain development and risk taking is still correlational. They also state that most scientists in the field think that the brain development theory and social learning theory go hand in hand. This is important because popular scientific magazines and newspapers often fail to address social factors when they report on brain development.
Theme 2: Don’t Think That We Have the Perfect Measurement for All the Decision Making Skills
Hooper et al.’s (2004) study shows that development of decision making is related to some parts of the brain, using a famous psychological measurement called the Iowa Gambling Task. Simply put, the game tests on how willingly you aim at the high reward in a card game even when you know the lower reward earns more in total. However, the authors admit that the measurement cannot be used to study all the skills related to decision making. That is, different risky behaviors use different skills that may have not been studied yet.
Theme 3: Don’t Assume that Adolescents Do Not Know What Is Risky
Van Leijenhorst, Westenberg, and Crone (2008) discovered that risk perception ability is equal in both adolescents and adults. That is, adolescents do know what is wrong and risky. Although we could still argue that adolescents cannot just inhibit their behaviors that they know are wrong, we are still not 100% sure what separates the teenage brain from the adult brain.
Theme 4: Don’t Put Younger Adolescents and Older Adolescents All Together When Talk about Brain and Risky Behaviors
Brody (2007) quotes a scientist’s comment, arguing that parental supervision is needed for younger adolescents, since their ability to learn from a consequence (e.g. learn not to gamble after losing money) is not as well-developed as adults’. However, please note that they only talk about younger adolescents, not older adolescents.
________________________________________
Not That/ Articles Not Recommended
________________________________________
Theme 5: Don’t Believe What You are Told Right Away without Checking the Source
A New York Times article (Anonymous, 2008) describes the recent brain research, lending support to the undeveloped teenage brain. However, it does not include any reference nor mention the importance of social factors in teens’ risky behaviors.
Similarly, Cooke (n.d.) states, without any citation, that teens do not think binge drinking is very dangerous, which contradicts the finding of Leijenhorst, Westenberg, and Crone (2008) in Theme 3.
Theme 6: Don’t Always Believe Everything Psychologists Say
A psychologist/mother (“Teens,” 2007) wrote a letter to Brody’s (2007) article. She criticizes Brody on not mentioning the latest brain research showing that the brain will not fully develop until the mid-20s. However, the letter does not mention the importance of social factors. Therefore, do not assume automatically that psychologists are always correct; this is only a letter without any sources cited, and she will not get reviewed on this letter by any other scientists.
References
Anonymous. Teens and decision making: What brain science reveals. (2008, April). New York Times Upfront, 140(13), 18-20. Retrieved May 18, 2010, from Platinum Periodicals. (Document ID: 1460776351).
Brody, J. E. Teenage risks, and how to avoid them. (2007, December 18). New York Times. Retrieved from May 18, 2010, from http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/18/health/18brod.html
Cooke, B. (n.d.). The teenage brain. Retrieved from June 6, 2010, from http://life.familyeducation.com/teen/growth-and-development/36499.html
Hooper, C. J., Luciana, M., Conklin, H. M., & Yarger, R. S. (2004). Adolescents' performance on the iowa gambling task: Implications for the development of decision making and ventromedial prefrontal cortex. Developmental Psychology, 40(6), 1148-1158. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.40.6.1148
Johnson, S. B., Sudhinaraset, M., & Blum, R. W. (2010). Neuromaturation and adolescent risk taking: Why development is not determinism. Journal of Adolescent Research, 25(1), 4-23. doi:10.1177/0743558409353339
Males, M. (2009). Does the adolescent brain make risk taking inevitable? A skeptical appraisal. Journal of Adolescent Research, 24(1), 3-20. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com.proxy.seattleu.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=35946696&site=ehost-live
Teens and Decision Making :[Letter]. (2007, December 25). New York Times (Late Edition (east Coast)), p. 4. Retrieved May 18, 2010, from New York Times. (Document ID: 1403800841).
Van Leijenhorst, L., Westenberg, P. M., & Crone, E. A. (2008). A developmental study of risky decisions on the cake gambling task: Age and gender analyses of probability estimation and reward evaluation. Developmental Neuropsychology, 33(2), 179-196. doi:10.1080/87565640701884287
Thursday, May 6, 2010
Welcome to PsychMyth Buster!
Did you take an intro-psychology class? Didn’t your professor say something like “Your brain, especially the region responsible for decision-making, won’t fully develop until you are 22 year-old”?
In this blog, I would like to examine a popular belief, “Teenagers behave irresponsibly because their brains are immature.” Is this a complete myth? Or does it have any scientific support?
The topic was interesting to me because I myself heard the same story from my Intro-Psychology professor as well as other psychology instructors in my undergraduate school. It made me think:
"so a 19-year old can't judge things as well as adults no matter what, since there is a limit to how much his/her brain can develop when he/she is younger than 22 year-old."
and
"then I shouldn't fully trust my future kid in his/her choices until he/she becomes 22!"
I would like to examine the belief while I am still at the same undergraduate school so that I can correct my professors if they were wrong.
Let’s buster the myth …or find it actually true….?
Key Terms: teens, young or older adolescents, environmental factors, the capacity of brain development for teens and adults
In this blog, I would like to examine a popular belief, “Teenagers behave irresponsibly because their brains are immature.” Is this a complete myth? Or does it have any scientific support?
The topic was interesting to me because I myself heard the same story from my Intro-Psychology professor as well as other psychology instructors in my undergraduate school. It made me think:
"so a 19-year old can't judge things as well as adults no matter what, since there is a limit to how much his/her brain can develop when he/she is younger than 22 year-old."
and
"then I shouldn't fully trust my future kid in his/her choices until he/she becomes 22!"
I would like to examine the belief while I am still at the same undergraduate school so that I can correct my professors if they were wrong.
Let’s buster the myth …or find it actually true….?
Key Terms: teens, young or older adolescents, environmental factors, the capacity of brain development for teens and adults
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